The September 11th terrorist attacks have lead to a growth of sympathy for victims of state repression among the Buddhist community, and to growing aversion against Muslim fundamentalists in Burma. The SPDC military regime, fearing clashes between Buddhists and Muslims within the Burmese territory, prohibited the spreading of information by rending the sale of videotapes illegal. Authorities have also taken sanctions against Buddhist monks, fearing escalation into large anti-regime demonstrations.

Severe repression in the form of land confiscation, the burning down of Mon villages, and the requisition of unpaid forced labour by the state, continues despite an official ban on the latter practise, due to an ILO delegation visit (Decree 1/99). Mon village people are also forced to support the Burmese army with money and food, while gross human rights violations such as torture and rape are common. Recently, hundreds of Mon refugees have fled to the Halockhani resettlement site near the Thailand-Myanmar border to escape destruction, while Thailand also closed the Maneeloy refugee camp that was set up in 1993 to accommodate students from Burma fleeing brutal suppression. The Thai government proceeded with its closure despite demonstrations by asylum seekers, human rights groups and the international community against this unfortunate development.

Negotiations for peace have seen very little improvement. The Burmese military regime even declared that it was not prepared to accept any tri-partite negotiations with the main opposition party, the NLD, and other democratic groups, thus negating its previous undertakings to the UN. Instead, the SPDC has reinforced its absolute grip on the political life by consolidating new groups serving its cause. The United Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), for example, were transformed into a political organization whose activities are openly supportive of the military regime. USDA members are given military training and are appointed to work closely with the militia forces in the Mon villages. Additionally, the National Unity Party (NUP) also supports the SPDC rule. The NUP main duty is to hold the National Convention, aiming at drawing a new constitution for Burma that would guarantee the role of the Burmese Army in national government and political decision-making.

Another very unfortunate development was the decision by Mon leader, Colonel Pan Nyunt, to break away from Mon central politics, establishing an own splinter group in September 2001. The Burmese army has since launched a full-scale offense to destroy this splinter group, which publicly announced its aim of resuming the war against the SPDC with support of troops in the area. In late December 2001, Col. Pan Nyunt’s splinter group issued a formal declaration on the formation of a new political party called the Hongsawatoi Restoration Party, and a vow to fight against the military junta. The statement also warned of the difficult situation for the Mon people regarding forced labour, land confiscation, and human rights violations, the deliberate destroying of Mon culture and literature. The party urged the military regime to hold a tripartite negotiation in accordance with a democratic political system, and called for the securing of the right to self- determination, the transfer of political power to elected people’s representatives; to withdraw Burmese troops immediately and unconditionally from Mon areas, and to release all political prisoners and students including the Mon leader