As the EU stands united on supporting the independence of Kosova, diplomatic wrangling continues behind the scenes, with EU officials plotting a path over eggshells that will attempt to ease Serbia’s resentment alongside fostering a sustained EU commitment to Kosova post-independence.

Below is an article published by The Economist:

FOR months the future of Kosovo has been uncertain. In March [2007] Marti Ahtisaari, a former Finnish president, presented a plan for conditional independence to the United Nations, which has run the province since the end of the war in 1999. Russia stepped in to stop this, and has since treated Kosovo as a bargaining card with the West. The crude message was that, even though Kosovo is surrounded by the European Union and NATO, a resurgent Russia can still get its way there. Now it looks as if this may have backfired.

Kosovo has a population of 2m, 90% of whom are ethnic Albanians who have long demanded independence. Serbia's leaders say they cannot have it, since Kosovo was always a Serbian province and not a Yugoslav republic before the country fell apart. Serbia has proposed various models of autonomy, drawing on such examples as Hong Kong and the Swedish-populated Aland Islands, formally part of Finland. But Kosovo's Albanians have rejected them all. A final bout of diplomacy intended to reach a compromise has, predictably, failed so far to find one.

The diplomats will present a report on their work to the UN on December 10^th [2007]. Russia and Serbia want the talks to go on after that. But their chances of success are diminishing. “The intriguing thing,” comments Mr Ahtisaari, with not a little hint of satisfaction, “is that the Russian attitude has reinforced the unity of the EU. I don't think that was their original intent.”

Kosovo's Serbs were told to boycott the election on November 17th [2007] by their leaders, and only 40-45% of Kosovar Albanians turned up to vote. The election was won, with 34% of the vote, by Hashim Thaci, a former political leader of Kosovo's guerrillas who fought against the Serbs in 1998-99. After the poll he said Kosovo would declare independence immediately after December 10^th [2007]. But privately he told Western diplomats he could wait until spring; he then said nothing would be done before consulting the Europeans and Americans.

Many countries wonder if Kosovo's independence is a good idea. Some fear a precedent for separatists, from Abkhazia to Catalonia. At one time, the European Union looked set to be divided over recognition. But a likely German decision to say yes, plus what seemed a scary bid by Russia to exploit Kosovo to divide the EU, has converted many doubters. Only Cyprus is likely to resist to the bitter end. Slovakia and Greece seem resigned to accepting Kosovo's independence.

This is a big success, says Ivan Krastev, a Balkan analyst, “but the problems will come later. It must be understood that EU unity cannot expire on the day after the recognition of Kosovo.” What this implies is a large EU commitment to the region, beyond replacing the UN mission in Kosovo with an EU one. It is not clear that all European governments are prepared for this.

Several things need to be done in the wake of Kosovo's probable independence. The most delicate are careful handling of the Serb breakaway northern bit of Kosovo and the reinforcement of pro-European voices in Serbia. The second may involve some unpalatable decisions, such as setting aside the condition that Serbia's advancement towards EU accession must be conditional on the arrest of Ratko Mladic, a Bosnian Serb general wanted by The Hague war-crimes tribunal.

Another place causing concern is Macedonia, where recent violence involving ethnic Albanians has set nerves jangling. Macedonia hopes to be invited to join NATO next April [2007]. That would warn off predators in what by then may be a newly independent Kosovo. But it may not happen, for Greece threatens to veto a Macedonian invitation as part of its 15-year-long campaign to get it to change its name.