In December the Burma issue will be brought before the United Nations Security Council by the United States, which is hoping for a strongly worded resolution addressing democratization and human rights abuses in Burma. The US was said to be waiting on drafting the resolution until after the visit of Ibrahim Gambari, the UN's undersecretary-general for political affairs, to Burma earlier in November.

Mr Gambari was allowed to meet with detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi for the second time this year, but that's about the only good news to come out of Burma for a long time.

There are three key areas the resolution will surely address: the release of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi; speeding up of the democratisation process, which would include finishing the draft of a constitution guaranteeing freedoms and protection to all groups, and, last but not least, the increasing persecution of ethnic minority groups.

Whether or not such a resolution will be vetoed by China remains to be seen.

The Burmese leadership doesn't seem to care much for the opinions of the rest of the world, and their present state of isolation is such that there are few countries whose sanctions would have much of an impact either. China is an exception, and so is Thailand.

It is still not clear to what extent the policy of the government led by Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont will differ from that under Thaksin Shinawatra.

It had been implied that there would be major differences, and PM Surayud's past history indicates he has no fear of the generals in Rangoon.

However, on a brief visit to Burma on Thursday, he only expressed an interest that the democratisation process would be speeded up, and that Burmese workers coming to Thailand would be registered.

Most importantly, the PM said that his government would honour all projects and cooperation commitments made by Mr Thaksin without review.

There were widespread accusations that Mr Thaksin was soft on Burma because he had business dealings there. Whatever the truth of those accusations, that should not be an issue under the current government.

Yet it is strange that every move Mr Thaksin made within Thai borders is now being examined for possible wrongdoing and lack of transparency, while his dealings with a group whose human rights abuses are notorious throughout the world go unchallenged.

In particular, the commitment for Thai cooperation on the building of dams on the Salween and Mekong rivers should be put on hold pending a cessation of all hostile acts against ethnic minorities and thorough environmental and social impact assessments for all projects Thailand is involved in.

By all accounts the Burmese government has stepped up its aggression against ethnic minorities which refuse to pledge their allegiance. In the past 10 months, more than 200 Karen villages have been destroyed by the military and over 20,000 villagers displaced.

The dam projects are apparently a prime reason for the removal of several minority groups.

Burma's junta has ordered the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) out of key border areas and rejected moves to resume prison visits.

The Women's League of Burma recently released a statement that reads in part: ''The [Burmese military] regime has continued to build up its military infrastructure and deploy increasing numbers of troops in ethnic areas. Evidence has continued to mount of these troops conscripting women as sex slaves and committing gang rape, mutilation and murder...''

The world is already watching, and will soon be taking a closer look. Thailand's role in either condoning or trying to put a stop to such abuses will be there for all to see.