Situation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts
The 8th national parliamentary election was held on 1 October 2001, by which Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-alliance government came to the state power of Bangladesh. Since the signing of the CHT Accord in 1997, BNP has been opposing the accord. It is notable that Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), the only political party representing the indigenous Jumma people in the CHT, opposed and boycotted the election, as the electoral roll was not prepared with the permanent residents as per the CHT accord.
Just after assuming power the present BNP-led government violated some major
provisions of the CHT accord such as the Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia kept
the portfolio for the CHT Affairs Ministry under herself, although the accord
contains a provision to appoint a full minister from among the indigenous Jumma
people. However, instead of a cabinet minister, Mr. Moni Swapan Dewan, MP from
Rangamati Constituency was appointed as deputy minister without proper executive
authority.
On the other hand, Mr. Wadud Bhuian, a Bengali settler was appointed as the
chairman of CHT Development Board, also violating the accord. The government
appointed its party workers as chairmen in three local governmental bodies—Rangamati
Hill District Council, Khagrachari Hill District Council and Randarban Hill
District Council instead of holding elections. It has been one year since the
present government took power; as yet the present BNP led coalition government
has no definite guideline regarding CHT issues. Therefore, the government could
not declare its position clearly on the CHT Peace Accord. Though some ministers
like minister of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs said that the CHT Accord
would not be cancelled. However, the government has the intention to take some
steps for modification of some points of the Accord, if it finds them inconsistent
with the constitution. Accordingly, the government has remained reluctant.
The government did not take even a single step to implement the unimplemented
issues of CHT Accord, such as amendment of CHT Land Dispute Settlement Commission
Act 2001, transfer of subjects to Hill District Councils (HDCs), withdrawal
of temporary military camps from CHT, empowerment of CHT Regional Council (CHTRC)
as per its Act, rehabilitation of Returnee Jumma Refugees and Internally Displaced
Jumma families, preparation of voter list with the permanent resident of CHT
etc. Moreover, the HDCs and the administration of Hill Districts are not cooperating
with the CHTRC.
In order to resolve the land disputes in the CHT a Land Commission has to be
formed as per the accord. To date, the chairman of the commission was appointed
only. But the commission is yet to start functioning. On the other, the previous
Awami League government just one day before handing over its power to the Caretaker
government passed the CHT Land Dispute Settlement Commission Act 2001 in the
parliament without having any consultation with the CHTRC. Consequently, the
said Act contains some provisions contradictory to the CHT Accord. The present
BNP-led government is following dilly-dally tactics to amend those contradictory
provisions.
Due to delays in the settlement of land disputes and the non-functioning of
the Land Commission, the land related problems are becoming worse. Settlers
are grabbing more lands. Extensions of the settlers’ cluster villages
as well as infiltration of new settlers into the CHT are on. With a view to
grabbing indigenous Jummas land, the Bengali Muslim settlers made a series of
attacks and set fire upon indigenous villages. The attacks on 20/11/2001 at
Lemuchari and Pakujjyachari under Mohalchari sub-district, on 25/6/2001 at Ramgarh
bazaar under Ramhahr sub-district, on 14/5/2001 at Boalkhali and on 16/10/1999
at Babuchara bazaar under Dighinala sub-district under Khagrachari Hill district
are remarkable among others.
Some Islamic fundamentalist groups and organizations such as Islamic Foundation,
Jamat-E- Islami, Parbatya Gono Parishad, Bangali Krishak –Sramik Kalyan
Parishad etc. are active in backing the Bengali Muslim Settlers in grabbing
the Jummas’ lands and expanding Islamization. The land entitlement has
been withheld in the CHT for a long time. Very recently, the CHT Affairs Ministry
has issued a notification to the Khagrachari Hill District Council, without
the knowledge of its Minister Mr. Moni Swapan Dewan, to restart the land entitlement
process in this district, which will legitimize the ownership over lands illegally
occupied by many Bengali settlers.
The military rule in the name of Operation Uttaran is still in force in CHT.
Therefore, the army authority still enjoys powers to interfere with the civil
administration and to conduct military operations throughout the CHT. In the
name of Operation Uttaran, the military army is engaged in activities like interfering
with the general administration and law and order situation, extension of the
Bengali cluster villages, implementing Ashrayan rehabilitation project, construction
and maintenance of roads. Until now, they exercise power to control admission
process of the Jumma students in higher educational institutions. Like before,
the military army is engaged in checking the vehicles, establishing check posts
on the roadside, and carrying out military operations in villages in the name
of searching for terrorists. The military army is still implementing the so-called
pacification programme, which is unrealistic after the Accord. Under this programme,
they provide rations to Bengali Muslim settlers and financial help to expand
the settlers’ cluster villages on Jumma’s land. Since signing the
CHT accord, many Jumma, including woman and children, have been brutalized.
Some have been arbitrarily arrested, tortured or killed. Still there are more
than 500 military camps in the CHT.
The rehabilitation of the International returnee refugees and the internally
displaced Jumma families has yet not taken place. Even the chairman of the Task
Force on rehabilitation of the returnee refugees and internally displaced Jumma
families is yet to be appointed. As a result, more than 100,000 internally displaced
Jumma families are living in sub-human condition. For the similar reason, 40
villages of returnee refugees are still under the occupation of the Bengali
Muslim settlers and over 3,000 families did not get back their own land.
Until now, since signing the Accord in 1997, no subject was transferred to the
HDCs. The HDCs were not formed through election. The ruling party politicized
these institutions by appointing its own party members. As a result, HDC failed
to bring about anThe 8th national parliamentary election was held on 1 October
2001, by which Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-alliance government came to
the state power of Bangladesh. Since the signing of the CHT Accord in 1997,
BNP has been opposing the accord. It is notable that Parbatya Chattagram Jana
Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), the only political party representing the indigenous
Jumma people in the CHT, opposed and boycotted the election, as the electoral
roll was not prepared with the permanent residents as per the CHT accord.
Just after assuming power the present BNP-led government violated some major
provisions of the CHT accord such as the Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia kept
the portfolio for the CHT Affairs Ministry under herself, although the accord
contains a provision to appoint a full minister from among the indigenous Jumma
people. However, instead of a cabinet minister, Mr. Moni Swapan Dewan, MP from
Rangamati Constituency was appointed as deputy minister without proper executive
authority.
On the other hand, Mr. Wadud Bhuian, a Bengali settler was appointed as the
chairman of CHT Development Board, also violating the accord. The government
appointed its party workers as chairmen in three local governmental bodies—Rangamati
Hill District Council, Khagrachari Hill District Council and Randarban Hill
District Council instead of holding elections. It has been one year since the
present government took power; as yet the present BNP led coalition government
has no definite guideline regarding CHT issues. Therefore, the government could
not declare its position clearly on the CHT Peace Accord. Though some ministers
like minister of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs said that the CHT Accord
would not be cancelled. However, the government has the intention to take some
steps for modification of some points of the Accord, if it finds them inconsistent
with the constitution. Accordingly, the government has remained reluctant.
The government did not take even a single step to implement the unimplemented
issues of CHT Accord, such as amendment of CHT Land Dispute Settlement Commission
Act 2001, transfer of subjects to Hill District Councils (HDCs), withdrawal
of temporary military camps from CHT, empowerment of CHT Regional Council (CHTRC)
as per its Act, rehabilitation of Returnee Jumma Refugees and Internally Displaced
Jumma families, preparation of voter list with the permanent resident of CHT
etc. Moreover, the HDCs and the administration of Hill Districts are not cooperating
with the CHTRC.
In order to resolve the land disputes in the CHT a Land Commission has to be
formed as per the accord. To date, the chairman of the commission was appointed
only. But the commission is yet to start functioning. On the other, the previous
Awami League government just one day before handing over its power to the Caretaker
government passed the CHT Land Dispute Settlement Commission Act 2001 in the
parliament without having any consultation with the CHTRC. Consequently, the
said Act contains some provisions contradictory to the CHT Accord. The present
BNP-led government is following dilly-dally tactics to amend those contradictory
provisions.
Due to delays in the settlement of land disputes and the non-functioning of
the Land Commission, the land related problems are becoming worse. Settlers
are grabbing more lands. Extensions of the settlers’ cluster villages
as well as infiltration of new settlers into the CHT are on. With a view to
grabbing indigenous Jummas land, the Bengali Muslim settlers made a series of
attacks and set fire upon indigenous villages. The attacks on 20/11/2001 at
Lemuchari and Pakujjyachari under Mohalchari sub-district, on 25/6/2001 at Ramgarh
bazaar under Ramhahr sub-district, on 14/5/2001 at Boalkhali and on 16/10/1999
at Babuchara bazaar under Dighinala sub-district under Khagrachari Hill district
are remarkable among others.
Some Islamic fundamentalist groups and organizations such as Islamic Foundation,
Jamat-E- Islami, Parbatya Gono Parishad, Bangali Krishak –Sramik Kalyan
Parishad etc. are active in backing the Bengali Muslim Settlers in grabbing
the Jummas’ lands and expanding Islamization. The land entitlement has
been withheld in the CHT for a long time. Very recently, the CHT Affairs Ministry
has issued a notification to the Khagrachari Hill District Council, without
the knowledge of its Minister Mr. Moni Swapan Dewan, to restart the land entitlement
process in this district, which will legitimize the ownership over lands illegally
occupied by many Bengali settlers.
The military rule in the name of Operation Uttaran is still in force in CHT.
Therefore, the army authority still enjoys powers to interfere with the civil
administration and to conduct military operations throughout the CHT. In the
name of Operation Uttaran, the military army is engaged in activities like interfering
with the general administration and law and order situation, extension of the
Bengali cluster villages, implementing Ashrayan rehabilitation project, construction
and maintenance of roads. Until now, they exercise power to control admission
process of the Jumma students in higher educational institutions. Like before,
the military army is engaged in checking the vehicles, establishing check posts
on the roadside, and carrying out military operations in villages in the name
of searching for terrorists. The military army is still implementing the so-called
pacification programme, which is unrealistic after the Accord. Under this programme,
they provide rations to Bengali Muslim settlers and financial help to expand
the settlers’ cluster villages on Jumma’s land. Since signing the
CHT accord, many Jumma, including woman and children, have been brutalized.
Some have been arbitrarily arrested, tortured or killed. Still there are more
than 500 military camps in the CHT.
The rehabilitation of the International returnee refugees and the internally
displaced Jumma families has yet not taken place. Even the chairman of the Task
Force on rehabilitation of the returnee refugees and internally displaced Jumma
families is yet to be appointed. As a result, more than 100,000 internally displaced
Jumma families are living in sub-human condition. For the similar reason, 40
villages of returnee refugees are still under the occupation of the Bengali
Muslim settlers and over 3,000 families did not get back their own land.
Until now, since signing the Accord in 1997, no subject was transferred to the
HDCs. The HDCs were not formed through election. The ruling party politicized
these institutions by appointing its own party members. As a result, HDC failed
to bring about an overall development in the CHT; people-oriented development
activities are still an illusion to the CHT people. On the other hand, due to
the dilly- dallying policy of the government in formulation of the CHTRC’s
rules of procedures, the CHTRC has not yet been able to discharge its power
and functions effectively. As a whole, the local government system in the CHT
as recognized by the CHT Accord has not yet been strengthened.
The UNDP-GoB Joint Risk Assessment Mission, which visited three hill districts
of CHT in June, has recently published an assessment report officially on 14
August 2002 in Dhaka. The Mission has reported that there is a favorable situation
in the CHT for restarting development activities except in some areas. Though
it has emphasized the implementation of the CHT Accord for establishing sustainable
peace in CHT, the Mission could not reflect the opinions of the CHT people.
Because, No one from the CHT local government institutions was included in the
Team. For example, Deputy Commissioners from three Hill Districts were included
in the team as members, but no one from the CHTRC or three HDCs. CHT people
were not consulted in finalizing and making recommendations. The report was
very much influenced by the opinion of the Bangladesh security forces.
Though the CHT Accord between the PCJSS and Bangladesh Government was signed
in order to find a peaceful and political solution to the CHT problem, the government
did not deviate itself from the state policy of turning the CHT from Jumma inhabited
area to a Muslim dominated area. The government is going on with this policy
very tactfully by adopting dilly-dallying tactics and creating barriers to implementation
of the accord and initiating anti-accord activities as mentioned above. overall
development in the CHT; people-oriented development activities are still an
illusion to the CHT people. On the other hand, due to the dilly- dallying policy
of the government in formulation of the CHTRC’s rules of procedures, the
CHTRC has not yet been able to discharge its power and functions effectively.
As a whole, the local government system in the CHT as recognized by the CHT
Accord has not yet been strengthened.
The UNDP-GoB Joint Risk Assessment Mission, which visited three hill districts
of CHT in June, has recently published an assessment report officially on 14
August 2002 in Dhaka. The Mission has reported that there is a favorable situation
in the CHT for restarting development activities except in some areas. Though
it has emphasized the implementation of the CHT Accord for establishing sustainable
peace in CHT, the Mission could not reflect the opinions of the CHT people.
Because, No one from the CHT local government institutions was included in the
Team. For example, Deputy Commissioners from three Hill Districts were included
in the team as members, but no one from the CHTRC or three HDCs. CHT people
were not consulted in finalizing and making recommendations. The report was
very much influenced by the opinion of the Bangladesh security forces.
Though the CHT Accord between the PCJSS and Bangladesh Government was signed
in order to find a peaceful and political solution to the CHT problem, the government
did not deviate itself from the state policy of turning the CHT from Jumma inhabited
area to a Muslim dominated area. The government is going on with this policy
very tactfully by adopting dilly-dallying tactics and creating barriers to implementation
of the accord and initiating anti-accord activities as mentioned above.